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Modern monetary systems operate on the ability to turn debt into
money. Mises' business cycle theory showed that this process
results in unsustainable distortions in the productive structure
of capital and of relative prices between different capital
goods. Mises also showed that, and left to market forces, the
credit expansion would unwind in a credit contraction as
relative prices corrected. However, central banks have for the
most part been unwilling to let the system correct. Instead,
they respond with a further round of inflation, trying to solve
problems inherent in the relative structure of prices by
increasing aggregate demand.
A
debate has been going on recently on several web sites among
those who accept the preceding premises but disagree whether the
inflation process can be pursued to its ultimate conclusion --
hyperinflation -- or whether market forces will at some point
prevent further inflation and cause a credit collapse --
deflation.
The
deflation scenario consists of a cascading chain of defaults
wiping out the leverage in the system and leaving physical
currency as the only safe store of value. Because the dollar is,
as Charles Holt Carroll said, “debt, organized into
currency”, debt default destroys money. When the quantity of
money decreases, prices tend to fall. This increases the real
value of remaining debt and therefore the difficulty of repaying
it, leading to more defaults. Because the debt consists of an
asset on the balance sheet of banks, at some point the banks
would become insolvent. If people became nervous and withdrew
their cash from banks that would decrease bank reserves even
more and accelerate the process.
Advocates
of the inflation view starts by accepting the premises of the
deflation outcome, but believe that the Fed would intervene and
try to generate inflation rather than standing aside and
watching the system implode.
I
previously contributed to this debate with an
editorial on the so-called Dollar Short Squeeze theory. In
the current piece, I will take on what I consider a few of the
more errors and questionable arguments that have been appearing
from the deflation side.
The
most obvious error in many deflationist writings is to point to
the large amount of debt as a case for deflation and then to
stop there. All of us agree that the debt levels are
unsustainable. But there are two ways of getting rid of debt
that cannot be repaid: default or inflation. Debt can be
inflated away. Historically there have been far more
hyperinflations than deflations.
Deflationists
have claimed that debt cannot be inflated away as long as people
are not willing to borrow, and that once debt reaches a certain
level, the ability to borrow goes away. Whether this is true or
not, the Fed has made it clear in a series of speeches that they
are ready to monetize anything and everything by turning on the
printing press and buying assets, gold mines, or whatever else
it takes to prevent nominal prices from falling.
The
reader of the Fed’s papers and speeches will find a series of
progressively more effective techniques for destroying what
purchasing power remains in our money. From beginning to end
these methods span the range from the unsound to the bizarre and
terrifying. With the likely appointment of Dr. Ben Bernanke to
the chairmanship following Greenspan, this outcome becomes more
probable. Bernanke has provided intellectual leadership for the
“helicopter money” ideology. While volumes have been written
on this topic, I will include a few short quotes here from Fed
officials.
One
tool commonly attributed to the Federal Reserve, at least in
theory if not by the Federal Reserve Act, is that of conducting
"money rains."
Money
rains are a clean way to study theoretically the effects of
increases in the supply of money. In practice, it seems a bit
difficult to envision how the Federal Reserve could literally
implement a money rain - that is give money away either through
directly disbursing currency to the public or by disbursing it
through the banking system. The political difficulties that are
likely to arise from the Federal Reserve determining the
distribution of this new wealth would be daunting.
In
other
papers on their site, there is extensive discussion of the
purchase of private sector securities, such as stocks and bonds.
The Financial Times reported in
2002 that the Fed
Considered Emergency Measures To Save Economy:
Minutes
which summarised the meeting were released last week. A full
transcript will not be available for five years but a senior Fed
official who attended the meeting said the reference to
"unconventional means" was "commonly understood
by academics".
The
official, who asked not to be named, would not elaborate but
mentioned "buying US equities" as an example of such
possible measures, and later said the Fed "could
theoretically buy anything to pump money into the system"
including "state and local debt, real estate and gold mines
- any asset."
If
the Fed is willing to purchase financial assets (other than
Treasuries), then they could in essence provide a nominal floor under securities prices as long as they were willing
to hold them in their portfolio. Because most US home mortgages
are securitized and resold on secondary markets, they could
prevent widespread mortgage defaults in nominal
terms through the purchase of mortgage-backed securities (MBS).
The resulting price inflation would mean that home owners were
defaulting in real terms on their mortgages. But if Fed were to
acquire the mortgages, then they would be that lender.
Should
all else fail, the final
stage of Bernankeism is the direct monetization of economic
goods.
Why
not have the Fed just conduct an open market purchase of real
goods and services? Even more so than exchange rate
intervention, this strategy would represent a direct stimulus to
aggregate demand. … By coordinating with fiscal policy, the
Fed could even implement what is essentially the classic
textbook policy of dropping freshly printed money from a
helicopter. In this case, the Fed would monetize government debt
that had been issued to finance a tax cut.
Some
deflationists have questioned the willingness of the Fed to act.
But in the “welfare state of credit” to use Jim Grant’s
phrase, debtors far outnumber creditors. In a crisis, there is
always an intense demand for the government to “do
something”. The something that looks most appealing at the
time usually means some action that has the superficial
appearance of addressing the immediate problem, while creating
far worse problems slightly out of sight and some time in the
future. It is difficult to conceive of a political climate in
which the inflation option would not be taken.
Another
deflationist argument is that wage competition from China is
deflationary, and that inflation cannot occur in the US as long
as there is wage competition. This argument confuses two
entirely different economic phenomena.
There
are two factors that influence money prices: changes from the
money side and changes from the goods side. The
inflation/deflation question concerns changes from the money
side. An increase in the supply of computers, for example,
causing a fall in the price of computers, is not deflation, or
at least it is not credit deflation. Salerno
calls this "growth deflation"; in any case the fall of
prices due to the increase in supply has nothing to do with bank
credit contraction. One does not lead to the other, nor does
growth deflation prevent inflationary bank credit expansion. As
the French economist J. B. Say wrote,
The
success of one branch of commerce supplies more ample means of
purchase, and consequently opens a market for the products of
all the other branches; on the other hand, the stagnation of one
channel of manufacture, or of commerce, is felt in all the rest.
What
has become known as “Say’s Law” is the observation that
the ability to demand comes from the power to supply. Absent
monetary inflation, all demand in the economy is generated
supply of some kind. An increase in the production of some
goods, according to Say, results in more purchasing power for
all other suppliers of non-competing goods because the total
supply of goods has expanded. The increased purchasing power for
producers of goods and providers of services is a natural
outcome of savings and investment in a market economy, and has
nothing to do with bank credit deflation.
Some
deflationists have said that inflation cannot occur while
workers are facing competition from Asia depressing wage rates.
In the same way, wage competition due to an increase in the
supply of skilled labor in other countries might result in a
fall in the wages of competing labor in the United States, and
it might be considered growth deflation, but it is not credit
deflation and does not lead to credit deflation or prevent bank
credit expansion.
Inflationists
are not saying that real wages cannot decrease. On the contrary,
real wages and real income tends to decrease for most people
during high inflation and hyperinflation. The reasons for that
are wages tend not to keep up with goods prices; tax brackets
for business and wage earners generally are not indexed to the
actual rate of prices increases, causing taxflation; it becomes
more difficult for business to produce and invest during an
inflation so the supply of goods decreases; and inflation causes
a wasteful boom and bust cycle in which productive resources are
misused and become idle.
There
is no logical contradiction between decreasing
real wages and simultaneously increasing
nominal wages. If
the Fed inflates the at a 15% rate, then real wages would remain
constant if nominal wages rose at 15%, and real wages would fall
if nominal wages inflated at a lower rate than 15%. Nominal
wages could increase in the US and/or in China due to monetary
inflation, while real wages either decreased and while the
relative wage ratio between US and Chinese workers either
increased, decreased, or remained the same.
China
has adopted a fixed-exchange rate against the US$. Chinese
central planners have as their motive for adopting the peg the
belief that they can develop their economy by building up their
export sector. An economists would point out that what they are
really doing is subsidizing their export sector at the expense
of their domestic consumers.
If
the Chinese policy makers wanted to continue this during a
period of increasing US inflation, they would have to increase
their rate of purchases of US dollars and accumulate more
foreign exchange reserves. Roubini and Duncan have both argued
that China is near the breaking point in their ability to absorb
more dollar reserves, so this is unlikely. What is more likely
is that they would at some point allow the dollar to devalue
against the RMB, which would mean higher US$ prices for Chinese
imported goods.
Another
similar argument is that price increases cannot occur in the US
for goods manufactured in China, and that will thwart any
efforts at inflating, China will always offer these goods at
lower prices than they can be produced in the US, thus causing
"deflation". This is also wrong for the same reasons
cited above concerning nominal and real wages.
Another
relevant factor, brilliantly expounded by Antony Müller in a recent
daily article, is that the type of currency fixed rate that
we have with China can only work for a limited period of time.
Because the US cannot entirely offset purchases of Chinese goods
with the sale of US-made goods to China, there is a reverse
capital account flow to make up the difference. The Chinese, in
effect, loan the US money through their purchases of US bonds
(mostly government and Fannie/Freddie mortgage bonds). As China
accumulate more dollar-denominated debt, the US must pay an
ever-increasing amount of interest.
Over
time, an increasing proportion of the reverse capital accounts
flow goes toward interest payments to service the debt. This
portion of the consisting of US$ interest payments can only
increase at the expense of that portion used to purchase Chinese
goods. The change in relative proportions must end at the point
where 100% of the outflow was going to service previous debt and
0% to purchase. Most probably well before the 100% limit, the
currency peg would longer be effective as a policy mechanism to
subsidize Chinese exports.
Another
reason for the unsustainability of the peg is that the US
consumers are increasingly purchasing things that they cannot
afford to pay for in terms of the value of goods that they are
able to produce. That is not a sustainable state of affairs.
China, then, is in the process of increasing their manufacturing
base to produce goods for people who cannot afford them, instead
of allowing the market to direct investment toward Chinese
consumers who need lower cost manufactured products. These
capital investments must be regarded as mal-investments in the
Misesean sense of the term. They are unsustainable.
The
deflation arguments that depend on the low real prices of
Chinese goods are either misunderstand the difference between
real and nominal prices, or assume that the process of China
providing vendor financing for the over-spending US consumer can
go on forever.
Inflationists
have pointed out the vulnerability of the US$ to a sharp
depreciation. This case is best made in Richard Duncan’s book The
Dollar Crisis and in the
research paper of Nouriel Roubini and Brad Setser on the
unraveling of the “New Bretton Woods Monetary System”. They
point out that the accumulation of dollar reserves by the rest
of the world is running up against economic limits.
Some
deflationists have argued that there could not be a crash in the
dollar because, there is not a sufficient volume of alternative
currencies for people to buy, or even that the deflation crisis
will be accompanied by a strengthening dollar exchange rate. The
quantity of other currencies does not in itself constitute a
reason that the dollar could
not crash. For any good on sale, any volume of supply and
demand can be balanced through price changes. At some
exchange rate any supply of dollars could be sold for
anything else. If the rate were 1 trillion dollar per Yen, then
the entire US federal deficit could be paid off with 11 Yen.
In
reality, the purchasing power of a currency never gets
infinitesimally small. In the real world, we would not ever see
a trillion-to-one exchange rate. Some time before any currency
reaches a vanishingly miniscule value, enough people see that it
is going to zero. Then, there is an abrupt run out of the
currency.
Mises
observed:
…a
money that is continually depreciating becomes useless even for
cash transactions. Everybody attempts to minimize his cash
reserves, which are a source of continual loss. Incoming money
is spent as quickly as possible, and in the purchases that are
made in order to obtain goods with a stable value in place of
the depreciating money even higher prices will be agreed to than
would otherwise be in accordance with market conditions at the
time.
This
is the final
stage of hyperinflation in which the currency is destroyed.
People frantically exchange out of the currency for anything –
either concrete goods or alternative currencies. If the other
major central banks in the world wanted to stave off a dollar
exchange rate crisis or did not want their currency to
appreciate against the dollar, then they could continue, as they
have been, to purchase ever-greater amounts of dollars and
invest them in dollar assets. This is exactly what has been
happening for some time, and has been a crucial mechanism in
diverting the effects of US monetary growth away from US
consumer prices.
By
some estimates, the US trade and government deficits are equal
in quantity to around 100% of the total world's total savings.
But that does not mean that the US is borrowing all of the
savings in the world. Instead, central banks are printing a
portion of the money that they use to purchase US debt. The Fed
is in effect able to export
of US$ inflation because other central banks are willing to
do the job of monetizing debt.
Could
this prevent a dollar exchange rate crisis? Yes, with all the
major central banks inflating, they could possibly stave off a
dollar crash in terms of the exchange rate but then we
would experience world-wide hyperinflation: a crash of all
currencies against goods.
A
similar argument to the preceding one is that there are no other
currencies that are sufficiently attractive. The dollar will
always be the "belle of the ball". Marc Faber, in this
stimulating piece, has some interesting things to say about
that:
Also,
since most of the crises experienced over the last 15 years,
beginning with the Persian Gulf crisis of 1990, were related to
problems outside the United States, there was a flight of safety
into U. S. Treasury bonds not only by domestic investors, but
also by international ones. This, in turn, tended to strengthen
the U. S. dollar in times of crisis. But, what if the Fed were
to embark on a massive money printing operation because of a
really nasty economic surprise or financial accident in the
United States? Would foreign investors still consider the U. S.
dollar and U. S. bonds to be safe? I doubt it.
Under
such circumstances a far more likely outcome would be a tsunami
of dollar selling and, along with it, selling of U. S. dollar
bonds. In the wake of massive selling of dollars and dollar
bonds by foreign investors, interest rates would likely rise. In
turn, this would force the Fed to monetize even more. A further
loss of confidence in the dollar would follow.
The
question here is, what would the dollar sell off against, and
what would investors perceive as a safe haven in such a
situation? The Euro? Not very likely! Asian currencies?
Possibly, but if China were to weaken simultaneously with the U.
S. economy it's unlikely that Asian currencies would be viewed
as a safe haven. I suppose that in a crisis of confidence
arising from an economic or financial problem in the United
States of a scale that would lead the Fed to print money in
massive quantities, only gold, silver, and platinum would be
regarded as truly safe currencies notwithstanding their current
weakness.
Could
“it” happen here, asks
Bernanke? One cannot entirely rule out the possibility of
deflation. It is hard to see just how it could happen. Inflation
is always the easy way out. In the age of activist governments,
it is difficult to imagine the Fed standing aside and watched
the banking system become insolvent. It’s far morel likely
that one day we will tune into CNBC and hear “Don’t worry
about that black helicopter hovering over your home. It is not
here to enforce the Patriot Act IV, but to drop bales of freshly
printed bills onto your front lawn.”
The Financial Times,
March 25 2002. Available to paid subscribers of the FT on the
internet through archival search. There is no URL.

© 2005 Robert Blumen
Editorial Archive
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Robert
Blumen is an independent software developer based in San Francisco,
California
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